In the closed box, he is already dead in a political sense, he knows this too, but if we open the top of the box, everything changes... Ervin Nagy's writing.
We see, hear, touch and taste, i.e. experience. We talk about it, so Gyurcsány still exists.
It's like Schrödinger's cat. As long as it stays in the closed box with a poisonous substance and no one sees it, we don't know whether it is alive or dead, so we have to assume both possibilities at the same time. And this is not contradicted by the fact that this physical paradox only arises as a thought experiment in the microworld that cannot be perceived by the human eye, because
the Democratic Coalition became a subatomic particle of domestic public life in the last elections.
Gyurcsány lived, lives and will live...
However, the Schrödinger paradox also points out that the quality of existence of these small, atomic particles depends on the person who perceives them. That is, as soon as we see, hear, taste, touch, i.e. experience (or measure with something), the nature of its existence changes at that moment.
In the case of Gyurcsány: as long as we don't see him, we can assume that he is dead in a political sense, but as we begin to deal with him, he rises like a phoenix from his ashes. This is happening now. Not for the first time in the last twenty years.
Gyurcsány is the greatest survivor of Hungarian politics. Whether you like it or not!
Even now, he does his best to stay on the agenda, because for a politician, resignation from office is not the end of his career, but indifference. And he knows this very well. If Gyurcsány had been forgotten by the left at least once since 2006, he would not exist in a political sense.
But they didn't. He was always counted on. Now the smart opposition politicians, with their like-minded analysts, are coming one after the other to "shut him up" and to "leave public life", in fact: according to some - using reverse logic - they will never overthrow Orbán with Gyurcsán on board.
And the anti-government media supported from abroad (which is also a political actor in this case) voices all these theories, accusations, or just wishful dreams.
The left pretends that they have nothing to do with Gyurcsány's existence
Recently, due to the heavy election defeat, many people have demanded the resignation of Ferenc Gyurcsány. Mónika Lamperth, Ildikó Lendvai and Gábor Leel-Őssy, one of the founding members of DK, also expressed the need to leave.
Gyurcsány, however, only left the issue open for two weeks, and then struck it down.
He let everyone know that he was definitely not resigning. Moreover, he continues with the same Mamluks who have been loyal to him. Not to the party, not to the "credo" of the Democratic Coalition, but to Gyurcsány.
First, the expulsion of Gábor Leel-Őssy began, then Zsolt Gréczy came to the defense of his party chairman (he owes a lot to his master), and most recently Attila Ara-Kovács took an oath of loyalty. So there is a thesis and an antithesis on the left, and there will be many more similar voices, which is also a kind of logical paradox. But one thing is for sure:
it is discredited to work hard against Gyurcsány now, because if they really wanted to, or if their pants weren't full, and if they get the green light in the West, they could have gotten rid of him half a dozen times already.
It is so easy to say now that Gyurcsány's existence is in the interest of the right, so Fidesz, that is, Orbán, keeps the leader of the DK on a ventilator - but this can be easily refuted.
I would have liked to replace them sooner!
First of all: Ferenc Gyurcsány should have resigned not now, but in 2006, and, keeping to his promise made at the Ószöd resort, he should have written those "good books about the modern Hungarian left". We're saying it softly: at that time, we could have gotten by even with a less good recipe book.
In 2006, neither the SZDSZ nor the MSZP removed Gyurcsány from the post of prime minister, neither after the Ószöd speech, nor after the manipulation of Hungarian democracy and the eye-popping.
It is their responsibility. Medgyessy was caught for a minor crime... that is, it is not a public law impossible undertaking. The political will was rather lacking.
Just as after 2009, the ventilator could have been shut off and Gyurcsány excommunicated from the left. But they didn't. Rather, they provided an escape route for the members of the then still king-making "second democratic charter", which Ferenc Gyurcsány gratefully accepted.
At first, he entered the parliament as a failed prime minister, on the list of the MSZP, and then he was able to form the Democratic Coalition in 2011. And the left didn't get together to "clean up" him from public life...
But then there was another serious chance. In 2013, according to all public opinion polls, the DK would not have entered the parliament on their own, but the Socialists still included them in the party. Gyurcsány and his colleagues won a mandate on the joint list of the MSZP–Együtt–PM–MLP–DK led by Mesterházy and Bajnai in 2014, and no one objected to this. That is, the Socialists, together with the newly formed Bajnai power center, saved Gyurcsány from political annihilation. The same people who now want to replace him, make him disappear. Those who think Gyurcsány is kept alive by the right wing... who think Gyurcsány cannot be won.
Then they could have gotten rid of him. Then it could have been shared. But rather they gave him a place on the list,
and an opportunity for the Democratic Coalition to build a faction and then a party with national coverage.
But the same thing happened in 2018 and then in 2020. The large opposition coalition was created based on the Gyurcsány recipe: one list, one candidate in each district and a joint Prime Minister aspirant. However, many people said that a two-list scenario would also be logical, and also that "one and one in this case does not necessarily become two". That is, the votes will not simply add up.
They played a bit, both Jobbik and Momentum squabbled for a few months, and then the total collaboration that Gyurcsány talked about on the shores of Lake Balaton was born.
No one, really no one held a gun to the temples of András Fekete-Győr, Gábor Vona, Gergely Karácsony or the many, many socialist politicians, trying to get them together with Gyurcsán.
Now, the same circle is talking about the need for the left to be de-fragmented. And that DK is kept alive by Fidesz. If Ferenc Gyurcsány is an obstacle to the victory of the left, then the comrades must also face their own responsibility!
And another paradox
The bomb just exploded! Gyurcsány gave an interview in which even the much-seen domestic public life took a back seat. Since it was (also) stated by the foreign-funded anti-government media that the reason for the four consecutive two-thirds Fidesz victories was Gyurcsány, we did not have to wait long for the DK leader's answer either.
And from the fifteen-minute video, we learned that there are three people responsible for the defeat in 2010. Gyurcsány (self-)critically notes that it is partly himself, partly Gordon Bajnai, and finally the duo Lendvay-Mesterházy, who led the socialist party at the time.
That is, he is only one of the three.
While the reason for the defeat in 2014 was András Schiffer and Gábor Vona, because they did not get along with the Gyurcsánys (peculiar logic, because what would Schiffer have gotten if you flirted with Jobbik at the time?), the blama in 2018, in addition to the LMP, is mostly due to Momentum and partly Jobbik.
Finally, the defeat in 2022 - it is not difficult to guess - is drying up on the soul of Péter Márki-Zay.
That is, according to Gyurcsány's mathematical calculation, he is only responsible for 1/12 of the four two-thirds...
What's funny is that he calculates this in the video!
In fact, if it were up to him, Fidesz would not have a single two-thirds. Because - according to him - in 2010, Ildikó Lendvai could have told about the successes of the Gyurcsány governments, and then there would not have been such a slap in the face. In 2014 and 2018, the Democratic Coalition already asked the others for a coordinated cooperation, with which they could even have won, also according to the DK leader's specific calculations, and last time they should not have listened to Péter Márki-Zay. In October, the opposition coalition was leading in the opinion polls seen by Gyurcsány, and then "the captain" asked him to take a step back in the campaign, and he did not invite Klára Dobrev to tour the country together. And by February, apparently due to the absence of the Gyurcsány couple, the left-wing coalition was once again lagging behind Fidesz.
That is, according to Gyurcsány, if they campaigned with his "successful governance" in 2010, or if they united in 2014 and 2018, and they didn't have to retreat to the background last time, then Orbán would have failed a long time ago. Paradoxical reasoning, so holy... But if they are paradoxes, then let's return to Schrödinger's cat for one sentence.
Gyurcsány in the closed box is already dead in a political sense. He knows that too. However, when we open the top of the chest, everything changes. We see, hear, touch and taste, i.e. experience.
We talk about it, so Gyurcsány still exists.
It's still not a message to unite and untangle
The left, which is starting to go into a great de-cluttering, is still going astray. The question is not with whom he will and with whom he will not cooperate, but whether there will be pattern creation in their politics instead of pattern following.
Just as the old left must respond to the appearance of the TISZA party.
Because although Péter Magyar was a bee sting for Fidesz, i.e. he caused less pain, on the other hand, he directly defeated the left, which was wallowing in the Gyurcsány paradox.
What, on the other hand, is a lesson for all formations, that the unity in itself is not a political message. Cooperating is only a technical or power issue (or worse, an existential one), not a real political issue.
You need something to say, a vision, and of course an authentic leader. And this is not.
In any case, we enjoy listening to the debate that if Gyurcsány is responsible for one-third of the four two-thirds, then who will be the scapegoat in the other 11/12.
Featured image: MTI/Szilárd Koszticsák
