I'm confused, but it seems that in the last week of the campaign, the question must be asked again with bloody seriousness, actually, what do you expect from the person you cast your vote for?
For example, I want him to represent my interests. My own interests, my family's, my countrymen's, Hungary's. His country. Why do I feel that this banal cliché has become questionable and not nearly clear for all Hungarian citizens entitled to vote?
There is no doubt that the opinion bubbles that form in social media play a prominent role in all of this, and by functioning as an echo chamber, they distort reality to a great extent. Still, the question arises, what and how much do the fanatics of the online space perceive from the offline world? Is it possible that nothing?
Man is frail.
Many people consider the results of the last 12 years of the Orbán government to be evidence, and they do not even consider the possibility that it is not a one-way street, that good things can be lost surprisingly quickly, successes can be reduced to zero.
What's more, today the results are often questioned, and in some left-liberal circles they are even disputed by the government.
A comment on the left-wing Azonnalin vividly points to this phenomenon:
"I work at Multi, the colleagues working around me all bring me home around 1 mass, and they are terribly oppositional at the same time. Most of them also have children and use the world's most generous family support system. I would be curious if, by some strange whim of fate, this unfortunate opposition were to win, how long it would take for them to take to the streets to demand back their salaries under FIDESZ and their reduced family support. He is a fool who thinks that faithful Fidesz voters would take to the streets. (They didn't go in 2006 either, but the then Jobbikos did.) The losers would be the ones who vote for them. It's a lose-lose situation for the current opposition."
The four governments that reigned during the eight years of the socialists - Ferenc Gyurcsány had two governments between the Medgyessy and Bajnai governments - without exception followed a progressive political approach. Although the promise of reforms was always present at the level of government communication, no real structural changes took place in the social subsystems, the best-known revelation of this was the 2006 autumn speech. The responses to the smaller and then to the global crisis of 2008-2009 were typically measures based on neoliberal economic philosophy, which were based on population austerity and the curtailment of the social network.
His best-known austerity measures were:
the public sector's gross wages were frozen for two years, the 13th monthly allowance was abolished, the retirement age was brought forward to 65, the pension adjustment was not made, the 13th monthly pension was abolished, GYS and GYED together only lasted for two years instead of three, the housing subsidy was abolished system, gas lock and district heat compensation were gradually eliminated.
The provisions of the Bajnai government equally seriously affected those living on wages and income, employees, families, the middle class or those living in extreme poverty. However, in addition to the social crisis, the austerity package did not improve public finance indicators either, so the progressive policy failed by 2010.
After the change of government in 2010, the second Orbán government was the first to deal with the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. In the framework of the so-called unorthodox economic policy, under the leadership of György Matolcsy, they fundamentally rewrote everything we had thought about the basics of economics. To a greater extent than before, the banking sector was included in the joint burden, multinational companies, businesses in previously privatized strategic sectors began to be recovered by the state and returned to national ownership. Thus, in the case of public utility services, the proportion of Hungarian ownership increased significantly, which, for example, put an end to the period of increase in overheads before 2010, and after a long time a significant reduction in overheads occurred.
Thanks to the measures of the Orbán government, Hungary emerged from the economic crisis in 2012, and while the political and economic scope of Greece, which was in a similar situation, was narrowed for the entire century as a result of the international rescue packages, Hungary was able to start sovereign political construction. Over the past 12 years, from utility reduction to unprecedented family support, measures have been taken that are seen as examples to be followed in other EU member states.
These are the real, tangible results, in addition to which we must not forget to mention the government's crisis-resistant capacity. The events of the past 12 years support this, as there were plenty of challenges; the government reacted extremely quickly to the red mud disaster, the 2013 flood caused the least damage in the region in Hungary, the migration crisis of 2015 was successfully stopped, and Hungary was one of the first to put the waves of the coronavirus epidemic behind it.
This government is opposed by a six-party rainbow coalition winking in all directions of the wind rose, which is rare even in countries where they are used to coalition governments.
They are the ones who managed to get from Gyurcsány to Gyurcsány in 12 years, and if they come to power, chaos, ungovernability, economic crisis are guaranteed, and what's more, the danger of drifting into war is not insignificant.
Image source: Facebook/Péter Márki-Zay
And at their head, as an outsider , is a person who has already managed to offend every social group in the past months, who constantly needs to be explained because of his words, who talks about the country of love, while his audience is sitting on top of the pensioner who they knocked down, lying on the ground, with the cry of "earth on him" . and whose political opponents' names are written on toilet paper , because it's cool. This is where the opposition coalition stands today. This is the hard-earned product, the intellectual innovation, which the "independently objective" media never fails to cover, scrub or wash clean. Nicolás Gómez Dávila was right when he stated that
"for the leftists, the leftist press used to create the great people that nature and history denied them."
Finally, as a desperate attempt, the bombs are also deployed, minibuses equipped with 30 loudspeakers; well, I don't know if there's more to come, or what they'll sell, but I swear to God, I've never looked forward to the end of a campaign as much as I do now.
Gábor Vona, former party chairman, said this about the phenomenon in ATV's ÖT program:
"I owe you a coming out! I was in such a bubble car at the beginning of my political career, and I want to tell you - and the opposition - what an impact it had. Anyone who wants to convince voters from a bubble car must prepare for the fact that they will hate him terribly. They expect that they will finally be able to buy ice cream for the child, and then they will see you who, on top of that, make political speeches and propaganda, which has a terrible bad effect. I wasn't driving, I was just sitting, and you know… when you sink into the seat.”
Featured image: debrecenip.hu
