Instead of Gyurcsány, the world elite sees the possibility of a change of government in Péter Magyar.

We are over the European Parliament and municipal elections, and although at the time of writing it is not yet known whether Gergely Karácsony and Dávid Vitézy will have a repeat vote for the seat of mayor, we already know the most important lessons. These are as follows, summarized in an almost telegraphic style. There were four important changes.

The first and most important thing is that Fidesz-KDNP has been winning elections continuously since the fall of 2006, namely with a significant margin, perhaps the only closer result was the local government election in 2019, but even that did not break the continuous dominance of the two parties of the government coalition.

This time too, the coalition won a confident victory, since it obtained about 45 percent of the votes, the more than two million voters - if there had been parliamentary elections - would have brought a two-thirds victory to Fidesz-KDNP again.

This result shows that the opposition parties did not succeed in breaking the control of the coalition parties, even though the Tisza Party led by Péter Magyar, which only had three has a history of four months, reached almost thirty percent, which means about 1.3 million voters.

This is a particularly surprising result based on Péter Magyar's dubious personality, to put it mildly, and the uncertainty of the party's direction, and it clearly shows that many people are waiting for some kind of new political force that will replace the opposition, which has become completely helpless and lame, and defeat Viktor Orbán. However, there is still a 15 percent difference between the Fidesz-KDNP and the Tisza Party, which is a definite advantage for the governing parties.

On the other hand, it is a fact that this recent result is also an important warning sign for Fidesz-KDNP, since in fact a brand new party with a completely uncertain character was able to achieve an unexpectedly good performance, and at the moment it is not possible to know what kind of development it is capable of in the next two years. or, on the contrary, the party's weaknesses show - especially in the case of Péter Magyar, who actually leads the party - and it declines spectacularly. A cautious and considered party always starts from the worst variation, from the fact that the strongest opponent can in principle be able to get even stronger.

What exactly does this mean? In my opinion, some re-tuning of government work may be necessary in the next two years. On the one hand, it is necessary to present again and again who is made up of the Tisza Party, who got into the European Parliament and the Capital Assembly (seven in the former, ten in the latter). It must be shown what the political background and past of these people - now representatives - are, and what kind of politics can follow from all this. Based on the experience so far, it is already clear that

the global elite and the global networks strongly appeared behind the Tisza Party, and their simple inclusion in the European People's Party is a spectacular indication of this. In addition, the background of their financing must also be revealed, because we would not be very surprised if the globalist forces had appeared here much earlier.

It is not only necessarily and exclusively Soros's foundations, but other globalist organizations can also stand behind the party and Magyar himself, through Action for Democracy to the American Democrats, DatAdate and beyond.

If the government and the governing parties do this job well, it will become clear to the Hungarian public that after Gyurcsány, Karácsony and Márki-Zay, the globalists now see in Péter Magyar the opportunity for someone to finally replace Viktor Orbán and his government. That is why they are giving them all legal and illegal support so that the long-desired change can finally happen in Hungary. And this is important because

it is a fact that the Magyars' commitment to foreign forces is not necessarily sympathetic even to the uncertain voters, who here and now, temporarily, see a hero in Péter Magyar.

My other conclusion is that the government should expand its action on some issues that have so far remained in the background or have not been given enough weight, while a part of public opinion, including a significant part of the national camp, deals with these topics. E.g

Global warming is a topic dominated and even dominated by the UN, which can clearly be traced back to human carbon dioxide emissions, because of which, for example, the European Union - more precisely, the committee - wants to destroy European agriculture and the traditional car industry.

It must be fought against, just as the global banking drive to eliminate cash all over the world and replace it with the so-called CBDC, a kind of global digital card money, which fundamentally threatens our personal freedom, must be fought with great force. . (News recently came from Israel that the introduction of this has already begun.)

One such topic is the WHO's quest for world governance, which threatens our national sovereignty in health and pandemic issues, in terms of vaccines, closures, information flows, and would even limit the possibility of free expression of opinion in these topics. Fortunately, due to the strong opposition of certain member states and non-governmental organizations, they ultimately failed to reach a global agreement on pandemics at the recently held WHO General Assembly. The fight continues, but I will only mention additional topics in headlines:

transhumanism, dealing with vaccine-damaged people, restrictions on big tech companies, and last but not least: the demand for a radical reform of the union in the spirit of national sovereignty, the transformation of the basic treaties in every forum, for which we are the presidents in a row for half a year from the first of July. .

Let's look at the third lesson: the subsistence, small left-left-liberal or green parties, which have so far climbed onto the back of the larger opposition party (DK) and thus remained afloat, may disappear in the sinkhole. The MSZP, Párbeszéd, Momentum, Jobbik (not to mention the others) will lose their importance based on their "results" on June 9, and one way or another, they will merge into a larger opposition party, the Tisza Party or the DK into. If they do not do this, then their termination by 2026 is also a realistic option. We can consider this change to be fortunate because these unnecessary, untalented politicians really only worsen the transparency of Hungarian politics, confuse the voters in making clear decisions, and last but not least, since they have no responsibility, they damage the Hungarian democratic political culture with their extreme behavior.

The fourth lesson is perhaps even more important and favorable than the previous one:

 the Democratic Coalition led by Ferenc Gyurcsány and Klára Dobrev suffered a huge defeat on June 9, and his status as the leader of the opposition ended suddenly. It turned from a center party into a small party, thereby losing its prerogative to determine what should happen in the circles of the left-wing opposition, while there is a new opposition party, Tisza, which is currently ahead of them by about 21 percent.

This is the big moment when Ferenc Gyurcsány's cloak of unquestionable charisma fell off, the king was naked on the opposition side from then on.

Why is this very good for Hungarian democracy? On the one hand, because we are finally getting rid of the last serious bastion of post-communism, DK, and its emblematic and at the same time harmful leader. At this point, we can declare that the process of Hungarian regime change is finally truly complete. True, this also means that the analytical mantra "Gyurcsány decides everything and everyone on the opposition side" becomes empty and even misleading. It would be a shame to talk about this any longer, there is no point in it. And this may make the situation of the national side a little more difficult, as the political formula becomes unpredictable, but as Viktor Orbán always states, we have always been able to fight and we will win new battles as well.

This is it! This is the way to approach the end of the Gyurcsány factor, which was comfortable for 14 years. Instead, there will perhaps be a new kind of, perhaps better, perhaps more challenging political competition, in which we must once again pay attention to everything, for example, raising our performance to an even higher level. This encourages new ideas, and that's not a bad thing!

In soccer, too, a team develops when it defeats big opponents, which is why you have to play with them as often as possible. If this happens, let's take it as a challenge that develops us and brings out of us an even stronger and more effective representation of our national sovereignty!

Source: Hungarian Nation

Cover photo: Manfred Weber and Péter Magyar (Photo: Miklós Teknős / Magyar Nemzet)