There are some serious questions regarding Katalin Novák.

"I now had to find an answer to the question, would I be able to continue exercising the office of president of the republic for the benefit of the Hungarian nation, faithful to my oath? Would I have the leeway needed to perform my duties well as a sovereign head of state? My answer to both questions is no…”

Head of state Katalin Novák announced her resignation with these words on Saturday. His sentences can be interpreted in several ways, but each version is very instructive for our national-civic community.

A president of a republic is worthless without personal sovereignty and authority. It can be said about Ferenc Mádl, János Áder and Katalin Novák, supported by the representatives of Fidesz - but in a certain sense even about Pál Schmitt and László Sólyom: he had sufficient authority for this task. Regarding the issue of sovereignty and scope, Pál Schmitt interpreted his framework more narrowly than necessary, while Sólyom - admittedly, in a dark era of Hungarian history without consequences or morals - interpreted his framework broadly.

So, the standard has been set as to what kind of candidate is worthy to fill the void after Katalin Novák, the star who soared like a comet and died painfully soon.

The (no) grace scandal has thrown serious questions at our face in the course of a few days, which greatly affect the identity and moral standards of our community. We, the XX. The "conscious citizens" of Hungary, freed from the dictatorships of the 20th century, have been trying to challenge it for quite some time. The dramatic situation that has developed can now give us a good reason to strengthen our identity and immune system, or to clarify sensitive issues.

Before that, however, let's take into account the great internal trials of the national side after the system change! Why were the agents and political appointees able to divide the regime-changing opposition so easily? Why was the government of József Antall and Péter Boross so easily overthrown? How were the coalition supporters of the first Orbán government, the Small Farmers' Party, able to be ensnared and corrupted by criminal circles, and then brought down to zero? What happened to Dávid Ibolya's remaining democratic forum, and what happened to the initiative of the Jobbik university students replacing MIÉP? Why did so much good will and effort disintegrate, why did it all crumble and mold before our eyes? And in the meantime, how did Fidesz (and the surviving core of the Christian Democrats) avoid the worst fate?

The answer is to be found in authenticity, embeddedness, in overcoming unsettling situations, in perpetual monitoring of the camp's will and vibrations, and in understanding right-wing people. Now this ability has let us down!

I wouldn't for the world want to take advantage of this sad occasion for some general whining, yet - when, if not now - we have to recognize the sinister shadows!

Many of those who know the methods and "human resources" of governance well will probably confirm that since the two-thirds victory in 2022, a kind of opportunistic fermentation has prevailed in the (middle) management sphere.
Mostly the up-and-coming (if the Zuschlags and Czeglédys were Young Turks in the terminology of the 2000s, then they should be now) small hussars tend to forget that they have finally been trusted, who they represent and what their profession is. Of course, I am not referring to the generals and strategists who have achieved success on the battlefield. Every successful force needs them. What's more, in today's dramatic world political situation, even more insight is needed in this area, since sometimes we have to accept that the necessary national self-defense comes with a certain democratic deficit and a weakening of internal pluralism.

But when the mentioned small hussars - sometimes supplemented by a centurion, a field chaplain, with some already shriveled temples but seeing the new situation, and a field chaplain - think that they are free to do everything, then there can be trouble.

If the cliques and networks of up-and-coming opportunists infiltrate the government's systems, it must be defended against!

The important lesson of the pardon scandal is how could these two excellent and respected women give up their vigilance, how could they forget, even for a moment, about the essence of their public mandate? Why - if the news is true - did Katalin Novák succumb to the friendly-sectarian lobby, why did she allow herself to be manipulated into supporting the dubious pardon request? And why didn't the alarm bell go off for Judit Varga, who always politicized skillfully and decisively at other times, and how could she give up her previously formed professional position, when she already let go and signed the presidential proposal for the second time? I would like to point out that none of the formal or informal participants in the clemency process showed any lack of good faith, but still, how could this happen?

Apparently, these serious questions spurred Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to the unusually strong expression of initiating the amendment of our basic law. We also have to ask these questions if we don't want these mistakes to happen again.

The Fidesz - Hungarian Civil Alliance became strong, successful and resilient when it became a real alliance. As the leading force of national cooperation or national bloc, he was able to unite all those who were interested in Hungary's successes, independence and the preservation of our national traditions. Although a huge, dollar-fueled international organization was launched against the national government, it triumphed again and again, the biggest in 2022 in the face of the biggest headwinds, pandemic and war crises. Perhaps it is precisely this circumstance that the association can overcome all difficulties, it may have created the false impression in some people that there is no longer any need for the cooperation of the diverse, mutually reinforcing camp, because all problems can be handled in-house and all decisions can be made with professional methods. There may also be those who think that in this world that is becoming technocratic, actors committed on the basis of values ​​are only an obstacle.

That is why I would like to recall my lines with which this journalism series was able to start its journey here in the Hungarian Nation in December 2022:

"In our eyes, an opportunist or a converted Komcsi who joins our ranks and pulls on his jersey cannot be equal to our ideologues who stand by their inflexible, national-patriotic principles, for better or for worse! We need to know about each other and be aware that there is a smaller group within the national bloc: a cohesive alliance of citizens and patriots, an alliance that knows what it's doing regardless of financial interests and directives."

Many of us are now immeasurably annoyed by the grin of Olga Kálmán, who asked Pope Francis for moral guidance, or the obscene hatred of András Arató, and we ask: could Katalin Novák and Judit Varga have been dissuaded from leaving? The answer, although harsh, is forward-looking: perhaps heroic sacrifice and a radical step were needed right now. Sacrifice for the sake of the alliance as a whole! If we wake up now, we can still drive in that ominous horseshoe nail in time, and the horseman will not fall, nor the war will be lost.

Everyone learns from what happened! The generals should regulate the little hussars, the pastors should once again deal with the souls, the strategists should pay more attention to the protection of our well-crafted common value system following the centuries-old Hungarian political traditions, and we, in all corners of the community, should not let unworthy and opportunists beside us and above us screw up!

With such thoughts, I look forward to renewal and strengthening, Viktor Orbán's year-end speech at the weekend and the selection of the new head of state.

Hungarian Nation

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