The fall of the opposition may further intensify the already existing conflicts between the parties in the local government bodies. No new opportunities have opened up, neither positions nor money can be distributed on the left. However, there is plenty of demand, as well as suspicious cases. Mandiner gathered which districts in the capital still have sharp differences within the opposition coalitions and where there are scandals that could also affect the future of the alliance.

András Schiffer , the former president of the LMP, drew attention to the 21st century. At last week's conference of the Század Intézet, that we are at the halfway point of the local government cycle, and the voters also expressed their opinion on the performance of the opposition-led local governments in the parliamentary elections.

Levente Boros Bánk , director of analysis at the Nézőpont Institute, told Mandiner It reminded me of the Göd scandal , when they tried to manage a local conflict centrally, but failed. Now, however, the situation has turned around, and the question will be how national conflicts will affect local affairs, said Bánk Boros. He added that the contradictions between the parties in the coming weeks and months could, by definition, break up the local cooperation that has been working so far, and the top party orders could also turn the local representatives against each other. And all of this can also endanger the opposition majority in the given local government body. The question is which will be more important, the local interest or the central party order.

The Danube could be insulated from conflicts and scandals. Primarily in the capital, where, although the opposition won individual districts, it fared worse than four years ago.

Perhaps the most recent is the parking scandal in Zugló, in which Zsolt Fuzik, a suspect in another criminal case - who was involved in the scandal and was one of the administrators of the district's parking management company - according to his testimony, gave at least 250 million forints, half of the profit, to Csaba Tóth in 2017 and 2019 socialist member of parliament and Csaba Horváth, a politician from the MSZP in the capital, who became the mayor of the district from 2019. gave an incriminating testimony not only against them, but Ferenc Baja and MSZP representative Zsolt Molnár , claiming that they also received HUF 40 and 30 million in bribes.

Ákos Hadházy , who was later elected as a member of parliament, and Csaba Tóth, a local strongman of the MSZP, also fell out with each other.

, in connection with the "white powder video" of the district's MSZP representative Csaba Lackner Krisztián Kránitz, the former head of the Kispest asset manager, was involved in the case , but like Lackner, he was not involved in the case, nor was the socialist leader of the district, Péter Gajda . Moreover, they receive more and more orders . Several investigations into corruption cases have been launched, but they have not yet been concluded.

, a war began between the current district leader Tamás Soproni culminated in an open fight between György Bálint

According to Soproni, Bálint wanted to damage the municipality in connection with a cover-removal contract and therefore became unworthy to represent the people of Terézváros. Last year, the mayor stated in black and white that, in addition to Fidesz, he also considers the MSZP to be part of the local opposition.

Bálint was called on by all the left-wing parties to resign, but he did not do so, he just left his party. At the same time, the representative told our newspaper that he thought that Tamás Soproni had launched a manhunt against him, even though the mayor had something to hide, since he made the district a momentary payment point. Bálint drew attention to several interesting cases, such as the suspicious renovation of Jókai tér or the image building of the mayor, which consumes several million forints every month.

Anonymus pulled the lid off the cases in Óbuda , in one of the March videos of the masked man, III. highlighted the corrupt redistribution mechanism of the district's left-wing leadership. Previously, the construction of Mocsárosdűlő caused a storm in the III. in the district, but as we wrote DK mayor László Kiss , despite his promise, is selling rental apartments from the district's assets

In Újbuda, the locals were outraged by the planned sale of the Kelenföld City Center without consultation and began to protest, after an Anonymus video at the town hall scandal revealed that this property would have been Gergely Karácsony's model project for illegal real estate businesses .

In Ferencváros, the left-wing mayor Krisztina Baranyi has quarreled with almost everyone in the past period. , he appointed a Momentum representative

On the heels of the case, a commentator noted that it is not very lucky if members of the opposition publicly discredit each other. In January, he corrected the entire opposition, for which, according to him, the representatives wanted to achieve an "unscrupulous" salary increase. the give-and-take between the left-wing coalition and Baranyi .

The self-proclaimed mayor previously took down the sister city crests from the wall of the meeting room that also houses the representative body, or erected a Black Lives Matter statue.

Read the full Mandiner article

Authors: Róbert Baranya and Gábor Nagy

Photo: Zoltán Balogh